Lecture 2 examined how fear and panic turned sexuality into an object of policing
This lecture shifts the register again:
If fear justified coercion, knowledge justified authority
The Progressive Faith in Knowledge
Progressives increasingly believed that sexuality could be:
Studied
Classified
Normalized
Improved
The Progressive Transformation of Sex
Central Interpretive Claim
The Progressive Era did not simply repress sex
It reorganized it—transforming sexuality into a modern social problem governed by experts, laws, and institutions
Part I
Why Sex Became a Problem to Solve
Structural change before moral judgment
Why Sex Became a Problem to Be Solved
Several developments destabilized older sexual norms:
Urban anonymity and mobility
Wage labor for young men and women
Delayed marriage and declining parental supervision
Commercial leisure and dating culture
Immigration and racialized fears of difference
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Commercial Leisure and Dating Culture
Commercial leisure: Entertainment you pay for—dance halls, movie theaters, amusement parks, restaurants. This replaced older forms of socializing in homes and churches.
Dating culture: A new pattern where young people socialized in public spaces, often one-on-one, without family supervision. This replaced older courtship rituals that happened in family parlors under parental watch.
Why this worried reformers:
Young people could meet without family approval
Dating often involved spending money, creating unequal power dynamics
Public spaces like dance halls were seen as sexually charged
Working-class dating norms differed from middle-class expectations
The result: Reformers sought to regulate commercial leisure spaces and educate young people about "proper" sexual behavior.
Sex as Political Question
Interpretive Claim
Sex became politically salient not because it was new, but because it was no longer easily governed by family, church, or community custom
Progressives increasingly framed sexuality as a social risk with public consequences
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Sexuality as Social Risk
When Progressives called sexuality a "social risk," they meant that private sexual behavior had public consequences:
Perceived risks included:
Disease: Sexually transmitted infections (especially syphilis and gonorrhea)
Illegitimacy: Children born outside marriage seen as burden on society
Poverty: Large families seen as perpetuating poverty
Degeneration: "Immoral" behavior thought to weaken the race/nation
Social disorder: Fear that sexual freedom would undermine social stability
The logic: If private sexual behavior affects public welfare, then government has a right—even an obligation—to intervene.
Part II
Making Sex Knowable
From taboo to expertise
From Silence to Expertise
A major Progressive shift was epistemic
Sex moved:
From taboo to topic
From private experience to expert discourse
From moral judgment to medical explanation
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What Does "Epistemic" Mean?
Epistemic: Related to knowledge—how we know things, what counts as valid knowledge, who has authority to produce knowledge.
An epistemic shift: A change in how knowledge is produced and validated.
In this case: Sexuality shifted from being understood through religion and morality (where authority came from scripture and tradition) to being understood through science and medicine (where authority came from research and expertise).
Why this matters: Who gets to define what's "normal," "healthy," or "proper" sexual behavior? This epistemic shift gave that power to doctors, social workers, and scientists rather than religious leaders and families.
Arenas of Sexual Knowledge
Key arenas where sexual knowledge was produced:
Public health campaigns
Hygiene lectures
Medical textbooks
Early sexology
Social work and case files
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Early Sexology
Sexology: The scientific study of human sexuality, including sexual behavior, development, and relationships.
Early sexologists: Researchers like Havelock Ellis, Magnus Hirschfeld, and (later) Alfred Kinsey who tried to study sexuality scientifically.
What they did:
Collected case studies of sexual behavior
Created classification systems for sexual "types"
Studied sexual "deviance" and "normalcy"
Published research making sex a subject of scientific inquiry
The contradiction: While sexologists claimed scientific objectivity, their categories often reinforced existing moral judgments about what was "normal" or "healthy."
IMAGE PLACEHOLDER Dimensions: 900x500px
Search terms: "progressive era sex education poster"
"social hygiene movement 1910s"
"American Social Hygiene Association materials"
Suggested sources: Library of Congress, National Library of Medicine
Knowledge as Power
Interpretive Emphasis
Talking about sex as science allowed reformers to claim neutrality and authority, even as moral assumptions remained deeply embedded
Sexual knowledge became a form of power
Part III
Categorizing Sexuality
Normal, deviant, and dangerous
Normal, Deviant, and Dangerous Sex
Progressives increasingly sorted sexuality into categories
Emerging distinctions included:
Healthy vs. unhealthy
Marital vs. illicit
Reproductive vs. wasteful
Normal vs. deviant
Categories Reflect Power
These categories were not neutral
They reflected:
Class norms
Racial hierarchies
Gender expectations
Assumptions about productivity and social order
Ranking Before Biology
Interpretive Claim
Before sexuality was biologized through genetics, it was already being ranked and disciplined through social science and medicine
This sets the conceptual groundwork for eugenics
Part IV
Controlling Knowledge
Who gets to know what about sex?
Law, Censorship, and the Control of Sexual Knowledge
Knowledge itself became a target of regulation
Progressive-era law treated sexual information as:
Dangerous
Corrupting
Socially destabilizing
Mechanisms of Censorship
Key mechanisms for controlling sexual knowledge:
Obscenity statutes
Censorship of contraceptive information
Postal regulation
Criminalization of sexual education
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The Comstock Laws
Anthony Comstock: A moral crusader who led the fight against "obscenity" in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Comstock Act (1873): Federal law that made it illegal to send "obscene, lewd, or lascivious" materials through the mail. This included:
Pornography
Information about contraception
Sex education materials
Advertisements for birth control
Anything Comstock deemed "immoral"
Enforcement: Comstock became a special agent with power to open mail and arrest violators. He personally destroyed tons of materials and arrested thousands of people.
Impact: Made it effectively illegal to distribute information about birth control, even to married couples. This is why Margaret Sanger's activism was so radical—and criminal.
Who Controls Knowledge?
Interpretive Emphasis
The state claimed the authority not only to police sexual behavior, but to decide who was allowed to know what about sex
Ignorance was often framed as protection
Part V
Margaret Sanger
Challenging sexual governance from within
Case Study: Margaret Sanger
Introduce Sanger as a figure embedded within this broader sexual regime
Suggested sources: Library of Congress, Margaret Sanger Papers Project
Sanger's Epistemic Intervention
Her intervention was epistemic as much as political
Sanger's Reframing
Sanger reframed birth control as necessary knowledge, not obscenity
Tensions in Sanger's Activism
Key tensions to emphasize:
She challenged sexual silence
She invoked science and health
She sometimes adopted Progressive language of fitness and improvement
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Sanger and Eugenic Language
The tension: Sanger fought for women's reproductive autonomy, but sometimes used eugenic arguments to build support.
Eugenic arguments she used:
Birth control would allow "better" families to thrive
Limiting reproduction among the "unfit" would improve society
Population quality mattered as much as quantity
Why she did this: Eugenic arguments were persuasive to Progressive reformers and potential supporters. By framing birth control as scientific and socially beneficial, Sanger tried to overcome moral objections.
The problem: This rhetoric could be (and was) used to justify coercive population control, especially targeting poor people, people of color, and disabled people.
Historical debate: Scholars debate whether Sanger was primarily motivated by women's autonomy or by eugenic improvement. The evidence suggests both motives coexisted uneasily.
Working Within the System
Interpretive Claim
Sanger did not stand outside Progressive sexual governance
She contested it from within, using its tools while resisting its constraints
Part VI
Sexual Autonomy and Its Limits
Partial, uneven, contested
The Progressive Contradiction
Sanger's activism reveals a larger Progressive contradiction
On One Hand
Expanding sexual knowledge
Greater bodily autonomy
Challenges to censorship
On the Other
Persistent moral regulation
Unequal access to information
Racialized and class-based judgments
Contested Sexual Modernity
Interpretive Synthesis
Sexual modernity emerged through conflict, not consensus
Autonomy was:
Partial
Uneven
Constantly negotiated
Part VII
Bridge to Eugenics
From managing behavior to managing heredity
Preparing the Ground for Eugenics
By the 1910s:
Sexuality had been medicalized
Reproduction had been politicized
Bodies had been categorized
Experts had gained authority
From Behavior to Heredity
Interpretive Bridge
Once sex and reproduction were framed as matters of social efficiency and population quality, it became possible to argue that some reproduction should be discouraged or prevented
This transition sets the stage for Lecture 4
Concluding Insight
The Progressive Era did not simply liberate or repress sexuality
It transformed sex into:
A public concern
A scientific object
A legal category
A site of state power
Key Takeaway
Modern sexual freedom emerged not in opposition to Progressivism, but through prolonged struggle within it
Next Time
Eugenics and Progressive Social Engineering
How Progressive assumptions about expertise and improvement led to coercive population control
Sexuality as Social Risk
When Progressives called sexuality a "social risk," they meant that private sexual behavior had public consequences:
Perceived risks included:
The logic: If private sexual behavior affects public welfare, then government has a right—even an obligation—to intervene.