HIST 270 · Chinese History · Chapter 1 · Lecture 1
The Shang King Ruled Through His Ancestors
Background for the lecture “The Shang Sacred State”: war kings, oracle bones, the king as high priest, and what the royal tombs reveal · ca. 1500–1045 BCE
Act I: Setting and the War Kings
Textbook anchor: Ebrey, Chapter 1, “The Geography of the Chinese Subcontinent” and the opening of “The Shang Dynasty” (pp. 8–11 in the course PDF).
The deck opens with the dragon-bone puzzle (slide B) because it gives students a reason to care before it asks them to learn anything. The geography slide (D) is deliberately brief: dry north with loess, millet and wheat; a dangerous Yellow River contained by dikes; a wetter Yangzi valley suited to rice; and the ring of barriers the textbook emphasizes on p. 10. The textbook’s chronology frames the Neolithic background (slide E): agriculture by about 10,000 BCE, distinct regional cultures by 4000, walled settlements by about 2500, and bronze-using civilization soon after 2000 BCE.
Slide F handles the Xia carefully. The textbook treats the Xia as a tradition that archaeology has not confirmed, while the Shang are documented by their own inscriptions. Many Chinese archaeologists identify Erlitou with the Xia; Western scholars tend to keep the question open because Erlitou has produced no writing. The deck uses an Erlitou jue and gu as a neutral image and does not take sides.
Slides G and H establish the Shang as a militarized polity before turning to religion: five capitals in tradition, Anyang as the last (ca. 1200–1045 BCE), excavations 1928–1937, palaces on rammed-earth platforms, armies of 3,000–5,000, hunts that doubled as military exercises, shifting alliances, captives as a resource, and the chariot from about 1200 BCE. Putting war first matters for the argument: students should see that religious legitimacy did not replace force but worked alongside it.
Act II: The Sacred King (Review Question 2)
Textbook anchor: p. 10, the paragraph beginning “The oracle bone…” and the discussion of Di, nature gods and ancestors that follows.
The textbook’s key sentence is careful: the king “acted as the high priest, the person best qualified to offer sacrifices to the royal ancestors and the high god, Di.” Di could command rain, thunder and wind; nature spirits (sun, moon, rivers, mountains) also received offerings; and royal ancestors could intervene with Di, send curses and dreams, and help in battle. Slides I–M follow that order: the spirit world, the mechanics of divination (prepared scapula or plastron, a charge stated aloud, heat applied to hollows, cracks read, the record carved), Wu Ding’s range of questions from rain and war to his toothache, and offerings of millet, wine, cattle, sheep and human victims.
Slide N turns the narrative into the causal mechanism students need for Q2. Divination did more than consult the spirits. It produced a record in which the king asked, the spirits answered, and outcomes were attributed to his ritual competence. Failures could be blamed on the wrong offering or the wrong ancestor rather than on the king. David Keightley’s work is the foundation for this reading: he argued that divination was a technique of royal decision-making and of legitimation, and that the Shang religious system and its political system were the same institution seen from two sides. K. C. Chang pushed further, arguing that the Shang king was a kind of chief shaman whose access to the spirit world, mediated by bronzes, animals and ritual, was the core of political authority. Many scholars now find Chang’s shamanism model overstated, but his insistence on the link between ritual art and power remains influential.
Act III: The Tombs (Review Question 3)
Textbook anchor: pp. 11–12, the paragraph beginning “From inscribed bones…” on Lady Hao, the discussion of followers and victims, and the rammed-earth and labor passage beginning “Whatever the status…”.
Slides P–Q set up the evidence: the Xibeigang royal cemetery north of the Huan River, cross-shaped shaft tombs with ramps, nearly all looted, and the single unrobbed royal tomb, that of Lady Hao (Fu Hao), discovered in 1976. The textbook notes its relatively modest size (about 13 by 18 feet, about 25 feet deep) and its location outside the main royal cemetery. Slide R gives the wealth (about 1.6 metric tons of bronze, around sixty vessels inscribed with her name, 755 jades, 63 stone and 564 bone objects, and tribute objects from the south and the Northern Zone). Slide S gives her military role: 130 weapons in the tomb, the large yue axes, and inscriptions recording that she led campaigns, once with 13,000 troops against the Qiang.
Slides T–U handle sacrifice. The textbook distinguishes followers, who kept ornaments and might have coffins, from victims, often captives, decapitated or cut at the waist. It traces escalation from early graves with no more than three to a late royal tomb with 90 followers, 74 human sacrifices, 12 horses and 11 dogs; ceremonies of 300–400 captives; and the 1976 discovery of about 1,200 victims in 191 pits. Slides V–W widen the frame: nobles on rammed-earth platforms, commoners in semi-subterranean houses, specialized urban workshops, farmers with stone tools, and the textbook’s conclusion that coercion backed by violence was essential to the state. Roderick Campbell’s recent work makes the same link explicit: Shang kingship rested on violence and kinship together, with sacrifice as a public display of the king’s power over life and death.
How the Two Questions Connect
Slide Y draws the lecture together as three mutually reinforcing supports: ancestors (religious authority), war (captives and tribute) and labor (walls and tombs). Students who can explain how one successful campaign strengthened all three can answer both questions well. The old deck framed the king’s role as a “religious monopoly.” The revised deck softens that to match the textbook’s “best qualified,” while keeping the core argument that religious legitimacy was the foundation of Shang kingship.
Corrections and Cautions
Notes
Oracle-bone wording in the deck (the Lady Hao childbirth charge and Wu Ding’s questions) is simplified from David Keightley’s translations in Sources of Shang History. Page references are to the course PDF of Ebrey’s Chapter 1 (pp. 8–19) and may differ slightly from print editions. The previous version of the deck included a YouTube video on oracle bones; it was dropped because the revised slides now teach divination step by step (slide J).
Suggested Reading for Deeper Preparation
David N. Keightley, Sources of Shang History: The Oracle-Bone Inscriptions of Bronze Age China (1978). The foundational English guide to how the bones were made, read and dated.
David N. Keightley, The Ancestral Landscape: Time, Space, and Community in Late Shang China (2000). What the inscriptions reveal about the Shang worldview, ancestors and Di.
K. C. Chang, Art, Myth, and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China (1983). The classic argument that control of ritual and communication with the spirits was the path to power.
Li Feng, Early China: A Social and Cultural History (2013). The clearest recent survey, strong on Erlitou, Anyang and the Shang–Zhou transition.
Roderick B. Campbell, Violence, Kinship and the Early Chinese State: The Shang and Their World (2018). Sacrifice, warfare and lineage as the building blocks of Shang power.
Robert L. Thorp, China in the Early Bronze Age: Shang Civilization (2006). An archaeologist’s synthesis of Anyang, Zhengzhou and the royal tombs.
Michael Loewe and Edward L. Shaughnessy, eds., The Cambridge History of Ancient China (1999). The reference work; see Keightley’s chapter on the Shang and Bagley’s on Shang archaeology.