PHIL 210 World Religions · Man’s Inhumanity to Man · Lecture 2
Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity in the Twentieth Century
Content note: this lecture describes mass killing and sexual violence, and some photographs show the dead. Look away if you need to; you can still listen.
“Never forget”: what?
The Holocaust
Europe · 1933–1945
6 million Jews murdered
Armenian Genocide
Ottoman Empire · 1915–1916
est. up to 1.5 million killed
Holodomor
Soviet Ukraine · 1932–1933
est. 3.9 million starved
The Gulag
Soviet Union · 1930–1953
est. 18 million imprisoned
Rape of Nanjing
Nanjing, China · 1937–1938
est. 200,000–300,000 killed
Khmer Rouge Killing Fields
Cambodia · 1975–1979
est. nearly 2 million dead
Rwandan Genocide
Rwanda · 1994
est. 500,000–800,000 killed
Srebrenica
Bosnia and Herzegovina · 1995
est. 8,000 men and boys killed

Paris, France · December 9, 1948
The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, adopted by the UN General Assembly in Paris on December 9, 1948 (Resolution 260 (III) A), one day before the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It entered into force on January 12, 1951.
Article II defines the crime; the Convention obliges the states that ratify it to prevent and punish genocide.
The Palais de Chaillot, Paris, France, where the UN General Assembly met (photograph undated). Department of State. Agency for International Development. 1961-10/1/1979 · Public domain.

Definition · Genocide Convention, Article II (1948)
“genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
Two features of the definition


Definition · Nuremberg, Germany · 1945–1946
Crimes against humanity
Lawyers’ name for mass murder that falls outside the genocide definition: people killed as “class enemies,” as prisoners, as “enemies of the people.”
Genocide (Convention, 1948): acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such.
Crimes against humanity: the legal name for mass murder and persecution that fall outside that definition, for example the killing of political groups or social classes. The Nuremberg tribunal used the category in 1945–1946.
The difference is legal, not moral: a crime against humanity is not a lesser evil, only a different legal description.
Defendants in the dock at the International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, Germany, 1945–1946. Work of the United States Government · Public domain.
Case 1 · The first genocide of the century
Ottoman Empire · 1915–1916
Ottoman Empire · 1915–1916

The Committee of Union and Progress, a nationalist revolutionary movement that took power in the Ottoman Empire in 1908; Europeans called its members the Young Turks.
By 1913 three men ran it: Talaat (interior minister, later grand vizier), Enver Pasha (war minister), and Cemal Pasha (naval minister).
Map of the Armenian Genocide: deportation routes, killing sites, and camps, 1915–1916. Sémhur · CC BY-SA 3.0.
Constantinople (Istanbul, today in Turkey) · April 24, 1915

Armenian writers and leaders arrested on April 24, 1915, and later killed. Unknown photographer · Public domain.

Anatolia to Aleppo and Deir ez-Zor (today in Syria)
Teşkilât-ı Mahsusa: irregular killing squads that carried out many of the massacres of 1915–1916. They included convicts released from prison for the purpose.
Dr. Bahaeddin Şakir, a physician, directed the Special Organization in the eastern provinces.
Deportation of Armenians from Kozan, Adana province, Ottoman Empire, 1915. Unknown photographer · Public domain.

Anatolia to the Syrian desert · 1915–1916
Armenian deportees leave their city for the desert; in the foreground a gendarme carries rugs taken from them. Unknown photographer; published in Ravished Armenia (1918) · Public domain.
Ottoman Empire · 1915–1916
up to
1,500,000
Armenians killed
Case 2 · Death by hunger
Soviet Ukraine · 1932–1933
Soviet Ukraine · 1932–1933
Holodomor: “death by hunger”
Ukrainians’ name for the famine of 1932–1933.

Ukrainian for “death by hunger”: the famine of 1932–1933 in Soviet Ukraine, caused when Stalin’s government seized the grain and other food of the villages and sealed the republic’s borders.
Famine struck all the Soviet grain regions in 1931–1933, killing an estimated 5.7 to 8.7 million people in the USSR, including more than a third of the Kazakh people. But Soviet Ukraine was singled out.
A “Red Train” of carts carries a collective farm’s first grain to the state, Oleksiyivka, Kharkiv region, Soviet Ukraine, 1932. Unknown photographer · Public domain.

Soviet Union · 1929–1933
Russian for “fist”: officially a rich peasant, a class enemy of the Soviet state.
In practice the label could be pinned on anyone who resisted collectivization.
Stalin’s policy, begun in late 1929, of forcing peasant farms into state-controlled collective farms whose grain went to the state.
A dekulakization parade under banners reading “We will liquidate the kulaks as a class,” Soviet Union, c. 1929–1934. Unknown. Thanks to Lewis H. Siegelbaum and Andrej K. Sokolov · GFDL.

Soviet Ukraine · 1932–1933
Grain hidden by a peasant family is dug up while officials look on, Timashyovsky District, Kuban, early 1933. Attributed to U. Druzhelubov · Public domain.
Soviet Ukraine · 1932–1933
about
3,900,000
died of famine in Ukraine
Case 3 · The camps
Soviet Union · 1918–1953
Solovki · White Sea Canal · Kolyma · 1918–1953
Gulag: the Soviet Union’s system of forced-labor camps, 1918 to after 1953

From Glavnoe upravlenie lagerei, “Main Camp Administration,” created in 1930 under Stalin to run the Soviet forced-labor camps.
The word came to mean the whole system: hundreds of camp complexes from the White Sea to Kolyma, where prisoners dug canals, felled timber, and mined gold and coal for the Five-Year Plans.
The Solovetsky Monastery seen from the guesthouse, 1915. Color photograph by Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky. Sergei Prokudin-Gorskii · Public domain.

Soviet Union · 1929–1953
Locations of Gulag camps across the Soviet Union. Antonu · CC BY-SA 3.0.

Soviet Union · 1930–1953
Dalstroy laborers, most of them prisoners, building the Kolyma road, Soviet Union, 1930s. Unknown photographer; reproduced in Tomasz Kizny, Gulag (2004) · Public domain (PD-Russia-2008).
Soviet Union · 1930–1953
more than
1,500,000
deaths in the camps (archival count)
Case 4 · Imperial Japanese Atrocities
Nanjing, China · 1937–1938
Nanjing (Nanking), China · December 1937

In the 1930s Japan was governed by a militarist, ultranationalist regime that many historians describe as fascist or fascist-like.
In 1931 its army seized Manchuria and set up the puppet state of Manchukuo; in 1940 Japan formally allied with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in the Tripartite Pact.
Japanese generals ride into the Chinese government compound, Nanjing, December 17, 1937; General Matsui Iwane leads (marked “x”). Sweeper tamonten · Public domain.

Nanjing · December 12–13, 1937
Japanese tankettes and infantry attack a gate in the Nanjing city wall, December 12, 1937. Unknown photographer · Public domain.
Tokyo, Japan · December 1937

The Tokyo Nichi Nichi Shimbun report on the “contest to cut down 100 people,” December 1937, with a photograph of Noda and Mukai. Shinju Sato (佐藤振壽) · Public domain.

Nanjing · December 1937–January 1938
A note of care: this slide describes sexual violence.
A Nanjing street just after the city fell, December 1937. Photograph by Okamoto Katsuji. Okamoto Katsuji · Public domain.
Nanjing, China · 1937–1938
200,000–300,000
prisoners and civilians killed in about six weeks
Case 5 · Year Zero
Cambodia · 1975–1979

Phnom Penh, Cambodia · April 17, 1975
“Red Khmers”: the Communist Party of Kampuchea, led by Saloth Sar, who called himself Pol Pot. It ruled Cambodia from April 17, 1975, until Vietnam took Phnom Penh on January 7, 1979.
Khmer for “the Organization”: the name the Khmer Rouge party used for itself. Under Angkar, money, markets, schools, religion, and private property were abolished, and families were broken up into work units.
“To keep you is no gain, to lose you is no loss” was one of its slogans (Henri Locard, Pol Pot’s Little Red Book).
Pol Pot (Saloth Sar), 1978. Editura Politică · Public domain.

Phnom Penh · 1975–1979
Security Office 21, the Khmer Rouge’s secret central prison in a former high school in Phnom Penh, Cambodia; today the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum.
The UN-backed tribunal found that at least 12,273 people were held there. Its commandant was Kaing Guek Eav, known as Duch.
Tuol Sleng, the former high school that became S-21, Phnom Penh, Cambodia (photographed 2006). Michael Gruijters at Dutch Wikipedia · CC BY-SA 3.0.

S-21, Phnom Penh · 1975–1979
The prison regulations as displayed at the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum, Phnom Penh, Cambodia (photographed 2007). Gerd Eichmann · CC BY-SA 4.0.
Choeung Ek and the cooperatives · 1975–1979

Excavated mass-grave pits at Choeung Ek, near Phnom Penh, Cambodia (photographed 2013). Clay Gilliland · CC BY-SA 2.0.

Cambodia · 1975–1978
Ismael Ahmad, a Cham Muslim from Kampong Cham province, photographed as a prisoner at S-21, Phnom Penh, Cambodia, 1977. S-21 prison photograph (Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum archive), as reproduced in Ysa Osman, Oukoubah (Documentation Center of Cambodia, 2002) · Fair use (educational).

Cambodia · 1975–1979
Cambodia · 1975–1979
about
2,000,000
dead: about one Cambodian in five
Case 6 · The world watched
Rwanda · April–July 1994

Kigali, Rwanda · April 6, 1994
President Juvénal Habyarimana of Rwanda arrives at Andrews Air Force Base, Maryland, United States, September 25, 1980. DF-SC-83-02204.jpg: Templeton derivative work: César · Public domain.

Rwanda · April–July 1994
A Rwandan identity card; on the ethnicity line, every category but “Tutsi” is struck out. Photograph by Jerry Fowler, USHMM, via Prevent Genocide International · Fair use (educational).

Rwanda · April–July 1994
Rwanda · April–July 1994
an estimated
500,000–800,000
murdered in about one hundred days
Case 7 · The safe area
Bosnia and Herzegovina · July 1995

Eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina · 1992–1995
Dutch UN peacekeepers on foot patrol to observation posts, Srebrenica, 1994. NIMH, Ministerie van Defensie · CC BY-SA 4.0.
Srebrenica and Potočari · July 6–13, 1995

General Ratko Mladić at UN-mediated talks at Sarajevo airport, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1993. Фото: Михаил Евстафьев / Photo by Evstafiev Mikhail · CC BY-SA 3.0.
Kravica · Orahovac · Petkovci · Branjevo · Kozluk · July 13–16, 1995

U.S. aerial reconnaissance photograph of mass graves at Nova Kasaba, Bosnia and Herzegovina, July 1995. United States Army Center of Military History · Public domain.

Potočari and the forests · July 11–16, 1995
Srebrenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina · July 1995
about
8,000
Bosniak men and boys murdered
Closing
The perpetrators were not a different species. Neither were the rescuers.








Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, eight years in the Gulag
“the line separating good and evil passes not through states, nor between classes, nor between political parties either—but right through every human heart—and through all human hearts.”
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago
What, then, is it in human nature that makes this possible, and what is it in us that resists?
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, 1974. Bert Verhoeff for Anefo · CC0.

Pierian Spring
Today’s lecture ends here. Continue on your own: the stories below finish this chapter’s history. They begin with more of the story of six of today’s cases, then turn to crimes against humanity beyond them.
The legal definition of genocide is drawn around groups destroyed “as such.” Most of the mass killing of the twentieth century fell on the other side of it: people killed as “class enemies,” as prisoners, as “enemies of the people,” as subjects of an empire at war. The law calls these crimes against humanity and war crimes.
“A little learning is a dang’rous thing; / Drink deep, or taste not the Pierian spring.” Alexander Pope
Pierian Spring · Berlin, Germany · March 15, 1921

Soghomon Tehlirian, 1921. Unknown photographer · Public domain.

Pierian Spring · Lwów, Poland (today Lviv, Ukraine) · 1921
“Why is a man punished when he kills another man? Why is the killing of a million a lesser crime than the killing of a single individual?”
Raphael Lemkin, recalling 1921
Raphael Lemkin (1900–1959), portrait, undated. Center for Jewish History, NYC · No known copyright restrictions.
Pierian Spring · Madrid, Spain · Poland · United States · 1933–1945

Raphael Lemkin, still from a filmed interview (date not stated in the source). Unknown photographer · Public domain.

Pierian Spring · August 1941 · 1944
“We are in the presence of a crime without a name.”
Winston Churchill, radio broadcast, August 1941
genocide = Greek genos (people, tribe) + Latin -cide (killing)
“By ‘genocide’ we mean the destruction of a nation or of an ethnic group.” Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe (1944)
Raphael Lemkin’s word, first used in Axis Rule in Occupied Europe (1944): Greek genos (people, tribe) + Latin -cide (killing). “By ‘genocide’ we mean the destruction of a nation or of an ethnic group.”
Since 1948 the legal definition has been Article II of the Genocide Convention: acts committed “with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such.”
Title page of Lemkin’s Axis Rule in Occupied Europe (1944), where the word “genocide” first appeared. Unknown photographer · Public domain.
Pierian Spring · Muş · Trebizond (Trabzon) · Diyarbekir · 1915
Telegraph, railway, bureaucracy, and the soothing word “relocation.”

Pierian Spring · Armenia: more of the story
Armin T. Wegner in Baghdad, 1916. Unknown photographer · Public domain.
Pierian Spring · Armenia: more of the story
“When the Turkish authorities gave the orders for these deportations, they were merely giving the death warrant to a whole race; they understood this well, and, in their conversations with me, they made no particular attempt to conceal the fact.”
Henry Morgenthau Sr., Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story (1918)

Henry Morgenthau Sr., U.S. ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, c. 1913–1916. Unknown, dedicated to Bettmann Archive · Public domain.
Pierian Spring · Armenia: more of the story
A disputed line: one version of a speech by Hitler (August 22, 1939) asks, “Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the Armenians?” It was not admitted at Nuremberg, and historians still debate whether he said it.

Pierian Spring · The Holodomor: more of the story
“Everywhere was the cry, ‘There is no bread. We are dying.’”
Gareth Jones, Berlin, March 29, 1933
Gareth Jones (1905–1935). Український інститут національної пам'яті · CC BY-SA 3.0.

Pierian Spring · The Holodomor: more of the story
Alexander Wienerberger (1891–1955). Alexander Wienerberger (1891–1955) · Public domain.

Pierian Spring · The Gulag: more of the story
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn speaks to the press after his expulsion from the Soviet Union, February 14, 1974. Bert Verhoeff for Anefo · CC0.

Pierian Spring · Nanjing: more of the story
A neutral zone of a few square kilometers in Nanjing, set up by about two dozen Westerners (missionaries, doctors, professors, and businessmen) as the city fell in December 1937.
Some 200,000 to 250,000 Chinese crowded into it for shelter. Its chairman was John Rabe of Siemens. He sheltered hundreds of refugees in his own garden.
Members of the International Committee in Nanjing, December 1937; John Rabe is third from left. Memorial Hall of the Victims in Nanjing Massacre by Japanese Invaders · Public domain.
Pierian Spring · Nanjing: more of the story

Minnie Vautrin (1886–1941), before 1938. donations to Memorial Hall of the Victims in Nanjing Massacre by Japanese Invaders · Public domain.

Pierian Spring · Nanjing: more of the story
General Matsui Iwane (1878–1948) (photograph undated). Unknown photographer · Public domain.
Pierian Spring · Cambodia: more of the story

S-21 survivors Bou Meng, Chum Mey, and Vann Nath (right) with copies of the verdict against Duch, August 12, 2010. Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia · CC BY 2.0.

Pierian Spring · Rwanda: more of the story
The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Arusha, Tanzania, 2003. Tomsudani · Public domain.

Pierian Spring · Srebrenica: more of the story
The exit of the former Dutch battalion compound at Potočari (photographed 2009). MichaelBueker · CC BY 3.0.

Pierian Spring · Srebrenica: more of the story
Ratko Mladić at his trial judgment, ICTY, The Hague, Netherlands, November 22, 2017. File:Mladić Trial Judgement.jpg · CC BY 3.0.

Pierian Spring · 1 of 8
Key term: the Cheka
Read the story
On the night of July 16–17, 1918, in the cellar of the Ipatiev House in Yekaterinburg, Russia, a Bolshevik firing squad shot the deposed tsar Nicholas II; his wife, Alexandra; their daughters Olga, Tatiana, Maria, and Anastasia, aged twenty-two down to seventeen; their thirteen-year-old son, Alexei; and four servants who had stayed with them. Bullets glanced off the jewels the girls had sewn into their clothing, and the guards finished them with bayonets. To the men who killed them they were not a family. They were a class to be erased.
Lenin and the Bolsheviks had seized power in Petrograd, Russia, in November 1917 (October by the old Russian calendar). Within weeks they created a political police, the Cheka, under Felix Dzerzhinsky. Lenin did not hide his methods. On August 11, 1918, he telegraphed the Bolsheviks of Penza, Russia, where peasants had risen against grain seizures: “You need to hang (hang without fail, so that the public sees) at least 100 notorious kulaks, the rich, and the bloodsuckers.” He added: “P.S. Use your toughest people for this.”
On August 30, 1918, Fanny Kaplan shot and wounded Lenin, and on the same day the head of the Petrograd Cheka was assassinated. On September 5 the Soviet government issued its decree “On the Red Terror,” which ordered “class enemies” isolated in concentration camps and anyone connected with White Guard organizations, conspiracies, and uprisings shot. Hostages were taken and shot in batches. Prisoners were killed in prison cellars and courtyards, usually with a single shot to the back of the head, or trucked out of town, bound and gagged, to be shot beside pits they were sometimes made to dig. Anti-Bolshevik investigators and émigré writers, such as Sergei Melgunov in The Red Terror in Russia (1924), recorded torture as well: people beaten, burned, scalped, and buried alive. Those sources were partisan, but the Cheka’s cruelty is abundantly documented in Soviet records too.
How many died? The Cheka’s own published count of executions for 1918–1920 was under 13,000, a figure no historian accepts. Modern estimates of executions by the Cheka and revolutionary tribunals in 1918–1922 run from about 50,000 to about 140,000, and to 200,000 or more when the crushing of peasant revolts is included.
The Bolsheviks’ political police, created within weeks of the November 1917 revolution under Felix Dzerzhinsky. It carried out the Red Terror of 1918–1922; By 1937 the secret police was called the NKVD.
The Ipatiev House, Yekaterinburg, Russia, where the Romanov family was shot on the night of July 16–17, 1918 (photograph c. 1918). Unknown photographer, original uploader was Crimea at Hungarian Wikipedia · Public domain.

Pierian Spring · 2 of 8
20,000,000
a total often given for deaths in the USSR · How many died in the USSR?
Key term: the Great Terror
Read the story
On July 30, 1937, the head of the secret police (by then the NKVD), Nikolai Yezhov, signed Order No. 00447. It gave each region of the Soviet Union a quota: so many people to be shot, so many to be sent to the camps. Local chiefs asked for their quotas to be raised, and Moscow raised them. NKVD records count 681,692 people shot in 1937–1938, almost a thousand a day for two years, among about 1.5 million arrested. Old Bolsheviks confessed to absurd crimes at show trials. The Red Army lost most of its senior commanders.
The poet Osip Mandelstam, who in 1933 had written a short poem mocking Stalin and read it to a few friends, was arrested in 1934 and again in 1938; he died that December in a transit camp near Vladivostok, Russia. At least one NKVD officer in the Moscow region, Isai Berg, used a truck that piped its exhaust into a sealed compartment to kill prisoners on the way to execution, an echo of the gas vans the Germans would use in 1941.
A total often given for deaths in the USSR is 20 million. That is the figure of the historian Robert Conquest, also used in The Black Book of Communism (1997). Scholarly estimates depend on what is counted. Deliberate killing (executions, deaths in the camps and in deportation, and the famines) yields figures from about 6 to 10 million; counting the wider excess mortality caused by Soviet policy brings totals to 15 or 20 million. Nicolas Werth, who wrote the Black Book’s Soviet chapter, preferred about 15 million. On any count, the dead number in the millions.
The mass arrests and shootings of 1936–1938 under Stalin, run by the NKVD under Nikolai Yezhov. Order No. 00447 (July 30, 1937) gave each region a quota of people to shoot and to send to the camps. NKVD records count 681,692 people shot in 1937–1938, among about 1.5 million arrested.
Estimates range from about 6 million (deliberate killing: executions, deaths in the camps and in deportation, and the famines; about 6 to 10 million) to 20 million (all excess deaths from Soviet policy; Robert Conquest, also used in The Black Book of Communism). Nicolas Werth preferred about 15 million. On any count, the dead number in the millions.
Joseph Stalin and NKVD chief Nikolai Yezhov at the twentieth anniversary of the Cheka, Moscow, December 20, 1937. Unknown photographer · Public domain.

Pierian Spring · 3 of 8
100,000,000
a toll often given for all communist regimes · How many died under communist regimes?
Read the story
A death toll often given for the communist regimes of the twentieth century, from Lenin and Stalin to Mao Zedong and Pol Pot, is 100 million. The figure comes from Stéphane Courtois’s introduction to The Black Book of Communism, which totaled the dead at “approaching 100 million,” including 65 million in China. Two of the book’s own authors, Nicolas Werth and Jean-Louis Margolin, objected publicly that the total was too high. Serious estimates for all communist regimes range from about 60 to 100 million. The largest variable is China, above all the famine caused by Mao’s Great Leap Forward (1959–1961), estimated at 15 to 45 million deaths. On any of those estimates, it is the largest toll of political violence in history.
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, who spent eight years in the camps, explained in The Gulag Archipelago why the numbers ran so high: “Ideology—that is what gives evildoing its long-sought justification and gives the evildoer the necessary steadfastness and determination.... Thanks to ideology, the twentieth century was fated to experience evildoing on a scale calculated in the millions.”
Estimates range from about 60 to 100 million. “Approaching 100 million” is Stéphane Courtois’s total in The Black Book of Communism (1997), including 65 million in China; two of the book’s own authors, Nicolas Werth and Jean-Louis Margolin, objected that it was too high.
China’s Great Leap famine (1959–1961), estimated at 15 to 45 million deaths, is the largest variable.
Cover of the first Italian edition of Solzhenitsyn’s Arcipelago Gulag (Mondadori, 1974). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn · CC BY-SA 4.0.

Pierian Spring · 4 of 8
Key term: “comfort women”
Read the story
On August 14, 1991, a sixty-seven-year-old woman named Kim Hak-sun called a press conference in Seoul, South Korea. In 1941, she said, when she was seventeen, Japanese soldiers had seized her in China and forced her into a military brothel, where she was raped by soldier after soldier, day after day, until she escaped. She was the first survivor to speak publicly under her own name. Hundreds of women across Asia followed her: from Korea, China, the Philippines, Taiwan, Indonesia, and the Netherlands. A Dutch woman, Jan Ruff-O’Herne, taken from an internment camp on Java (then the Dutch East Indies, today Indonesia) at twenty-one, testified in Tokyo in December 1992.
The Japanese military set up its system of so-called “comfort stations” in the early 1930s and spread it across the empire after Nanjing, partly in the hope that controlled brothels would prevent mass rapes like Nanjing’s from stirring local resistance. Women and girls were recruited by deception, bought, or simply seized. Estimates of their number range from about 20,000 to 200,000; many did not survive the war. In 1992 the Japanese historian Yoshimi Yoshiaki published military documents showing the army’s direct role, and in 1993 the Japanese government’s Kōno Statement acknowledged it. Since 2018 South Korea has marked August 14 as a national day of remembrance. Kim Hak-sun died in 1997.
The Japanese military’s euphemism for the women and girls forced into its military brothels (“comfort stations”) from the early 1930s to 1945. Estimates of their number range from about 20,000 to 200,000.
Women held by the Japanese army as “comfort women,” captured by U.S. forces at Myitkyina, Burma (today Myanmar), August 14, 1944. U.S. Army · Public domain.

Pierian Spring · 5 of 8
Key term: Unit 731
Read the story
At Pingfang, outside Harbin in Manchukuo, the Japanese army built a vast walled compound, officially an “epidemic prevention and water purification” unit, under the army doctor Ishii Shirō. Unit 731 was the center of Japan’s biological-warfare program. Its scientists infected prisoners, Chinese, Koreans, Mongols, and Russians, with plague, anthrax, cholera, and other diseases, then cut them open, often alive and without anesthesia, to watch the disease at work. They froze prisoners’ limbs to study frostbite. In the unit’s language the prisoners were maruta, “logs.” An estimated 3,000 people were killed in experiments at Pingfang alone, and none of the prisoners there survived. Outside the compound, Unit 731 and related units dropped plague-infected fleas on Chinese cities, among them Ningbo in 1940 and Changde in 1941, killing thousands more; total deaths from these field attacks are unknown and disputed.
Some of the people who did this were very young. Shinozuka Yoshio joined Unit 731’s youth corps in 1939, at about sixteen. He later testified that he had helped prepare a prisoner infected with plague for vivisection, scrubbing the man’s body before the surgeons cut into him. After years in Chinese detention he came home to Japan and spent much of the rest of his life speaking publicly about what he had done.
Ishii and his senior scientists were never tried. In 1947–1948 American authorities granted them immunity in exchange for their data. At Nuremberg, in 1946–1947, the Americans tried Nazi doctors for human experiments; the doctors of Unit 731 walked free, and several went on to prominent careers in medicine and industry. The Soviet Union tried twelve members of the unit at Khabarovsk, USSR, in December 1949, and all had been sent home to Japan by 1956.
The Japanese army’s biological-warfare unit at Pingfang, outside Harbin in Manchukuo, under the army doctor Ishii Shirō, officially an “epidemic prevention and water purification” unit. An estimated 3,000 people were killed in experiments there; none of the prisoners survived.
The remains of the Unit 731 headquarters at Pingfang, near Harbin, China (photographed 2007). Prince Roy from Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam · CC BY 2.0.

Pierian Spring · 6 of 8
Read the story
Every figure in this lecture is an estimate, and students will meet very different numbers elsewhere. The reasons are worth knowing.
Records were destroyed or never kept. Perpetrators hide their crimes. The Khmer Rouge kept meticulous files at S-21 but almost none in the countryside. Ottoman deportation records are incomplete. The Japanese army burned documents in August 1945.
Documents versus demography. Historians count either documented killings, which undercounts, or the gap between the population before and after, adjusted for births and normal deaths, which depends on uncertain census data. The Holodomor figure of 3.9 million is a demographic estimate; the 681,692 executions of 1937–1938 is a documentary count.
Definitions. Does a famine death count as a killing? A soldier shot after surrendering? A deportee who dies in exile years later? The figures of 20 million Soviet dead and 100 million for all communist regimes depend heavily on such choices.
Politics. Death tolls are weapons in present-day arguments. Turkey minimizes the Armenian figures; Chinese official history fixes Nanjing at 300,000; Japanese nationalists deny it; communist totals have been both inflated and minimized. An honest account gives a range and says where it comes from.
The figure 300,000 on the wall of the Memorial Hall of the Victims in the Nanjing Massacre, Nanjing, China (photographed 2010). x li · CC BY-SA 2.0.

Pierian Spring · 7 of 8
Read the story
Every case in this lecture has its deniers. Turkey rejects the word genocide for the Armenians. Soviet officials denied the famine while it was happening, and Russian official history still resists the Ukrainian interpretation. Japanese nationalist writers deny Nanjing or shrink it to a few thousand deaths; Chinese official history fixes it at exactly 300,000. Bosnian Serb leaders still dispute Srebrenica.
Denial, the genocide scholar Gregory Stanton argues, is the final stage of genocide, because it continues the attack on the victims’ memory. Behind several of these disputes lies the drafting of 1948: the definition was narrowed to exclude political groups, partly at Soviet insistence, and the crimes of communist regimes fell largely outside it.
The memorial stone at the Srebrenica-Potočari Memorial Center, Bosnia and Herzegovina (photographed 2005). Unknown · CC BY-SA 3.0.

Pierian Spring · 8 of 8
Read the story
Compare the endings. Nuremberg tried the surviving Nazi leaders in 1945–1946 and the Nazi doctors in 1946–1947. Talaat was never tried by a court that could hold him; a survivor killed him. The doctors of Unit 731 received immunity from the United States. No Soviet official ever stood trial for the Gulag, the famine, or the Great Terror, and in Russia the human-rights organization Memorial, which spent three decades recovering the names of the victims, was dissolved by court order in 2021–2022.
Cambodia’s tribunal convicted three men, three decades after the crimes. The tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia convicted many more and gave the Convention its first teeth, but only after the killing was over. Lemkin’s question, why the killing of a million should be a lesser crime than the killing of one, has been answered in law. In fact, mostly, it has not.
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, The Hague, Netherlands (photographed 2009). ICTY staff · CC BY 3.0.
Appendix
The lecture told what happened. This appendix measures each case against the Convention’s definition.

Appendix · Where Is the Line?
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The Holocaust is the clearest case the definition was written for. The Nazi state set out to murder every Jew it could reach, in every country it controlled, for no reason except that they were Jews: the destruction of a people “as such,” pursued to the last child.
Measured against that case, the twentieth century, “the century of genocide,” keeps asking the same question: where does genocide end and other mass murder begin? A people marched into the desert; a nation starved; a country that killed a quarter of itself, mostly for what people were said to think or be as a class; a hundred days of machetes; six weeks of slaughter in a captured capital. Every one of them tests where Lemkin’s line falls. Lemkin’s own starting point was the Armenians.

Appendix · Where Is the Line?
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Here the line is not hard to find. The victims were chosen because they were Armenians, a national and religious group; the men were killed first so the group could not resist or continue; the women and children were driven toward a desert where, as Morgenthau saw, few could survive, which is the Convention’s “conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction”; and children were taken and converted, which is the Convention’s “forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”
Among historians outside Turkey there is broad agreement that this was genocide. Turkey’s position is that the deaths resulted from wartime deportation, disease, and intercommunal fighting. The United States formally recognized the Armenian Genocide by resolutions of both houses of Congress in 2019 and by presidential statement in 2021. Lemkin built his definition with this case in front of him.
The Armenian Genocide Memorial, Yerevan, Armenia (reused from slide W). Aleksey Chalabyan (a.k.a. Xelgen) · CC BY-SA 4.0.

Appendix · Where Is the Line?
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Lemkin himself had no doubt. Speaking in New York in 1953, he said: “This is not simply a case of mass murder. It is a case of genocide, of destruction, not of individuals only, but of a culture and a nation.” In his view the famine was one blow in a wider assault on Ukraine as a nation, alongside the destruction of its intellectuals and its church.
Historians agree that Stalin’s policies caused the famine, that Ukraine was treated more harshly than other regions, and that the regime knew people were starving and stopped them from fleeing. They disagree about intent. Robert Conquest, Andrea Graziosi, Timothy Snyder, and many Ukrainian historians argue that Stalin used hunger deliberately to break the Ukrainian peasantry and Ukrainian national life, which meets the Convention’s “conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction.” R. W. Davies and Stephen Wheatcroft argue that the famine came from brutal, reckless policy pursued for the sake of industrialization, not from a plan to destroy Ukrainians as such. Anne Applebaum concludes that it fits Lemkin’s broader idea of genocide, the destruction of a nation, even where specific legal intent is harder to prove.
Ukraine recognized the Holodomor as genocide in 2006, the U.S. Senate by resolution in 2018, and Germany’s Bundestag and the European Parliament in 2022. The case shows how much rests on one word in the definition: intent. Nobody disputes the corpses. The argument is over what was in Stalin’s mind.
Alexander Wienerberger, who photographed the famine (reused from slide AC). Alexander Wienerberger (1891–1955) · Public domain.

Appendix · Where Is the Line?
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Most scholars do not class Nanjing as genocide. The Japanese army did not set out to destroy the Chinese people “as such”; it murdered prisoners, raped and slaughtered civilians, and terrorized a captured capital to break China’s will to fight. Those are war crimes and crimes against humanity, and that is how the Tokyo tribunal judged them: it convicted the commanding general, Matsui Iwane, of failing to prevent the atrocities, and he was hanged on December 23, 1948.
Iris Chang’s best-selling book called Nanjing “the forgotten holocaust”; most historians prefer other words, not because the dead matter less, but because words are tools for understanding. “Not genocide” does not mean “less evil.” A girl raped and bayoneted in Nanjing suffered no less than a girl murdered for her ethnicity in Rwanda. The difference is in the intent of the killers, not in the worth of the victims.
General Matsui Iwane (reused from slide BC). Unknown photographer · Public domain.

Appendix · Where Is the Line?
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Most of the Khmer Rouge’s victims were Khmer killed by Khmer: “new people,” “class enemies,” supposed traitors. That killing falls into the hole left in 1948, when political groups and social classes were dropped from the Convention; some scholars call it “autogenocide.”
The UN-backed tribunal therefore drew the line exactly where the law draws it. On November 16, 2018, it convicted the surviving leaders Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan of genocide against the Vietnamese, and Nuon Chea also of genocide against the Cham, and of crimes against humanity, including extermination and persecution, for the rest. Nuon Chea died in 2019 while his appeal was pending; Khieu Samphan’s conviction was upheld in 2022.
A Cham grandmother and her Khmer neighbor might die in the same ditch; in law, one was a victim of genocide and the other of a crime against humanity.
Ismael Ahmad, a Cham Muslim, photographed as a prisoner at S-21, Phnom Penh, 1977 (reused from slide BN). S-21 (Tuol Sleng) prison photographer, 1977; reproduced in Ysa Osman, Oukoubah (DC-Cam, 2002), photo gallery · Copyright status unclear (S-21 prison photograph, 1977).

Appendix · Where Is the Line?
Read the full section
Rwanda is the case the Convention was written for, after the Holocaust. The killers said what they meant: the radio urged Hutu listeners to kill the “cockroaches,” and the victims were selected by the ethnic label on their identity cards. Intent was not hidden. Yet in Washington and at the UN, officials avoided the word “genocide” for weeks, because to name it might create an obligation to act.
The law came afterward. On September 2, 1998, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda convicted Jean-Paul Akayesu, the mayor of the commune of Taba, of genocide. It was the first conviction for genocide by an international court, fifty years after the Convention, and the first judgment to hold that rape could be an act of genocide. Akayesu had been a schoolteacher and school inspector before he became mayor. For the first days of the killing he kept the militias out of Taba and protected its Tutsi; after a meeting with leaders of the interim government on April 18, 1994, he changed sides and began urging his neighbors to kill.
The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Arusha, Tanzania (reused from slide BW). Tomsudani · Public domain.
Image credits (110 images) USHMM
Photographs are from Wikimedia Commons and the archives listed; they are used here for teaching (fair use, educational). G, H, CP, DN, DO and DP are AI-generated illustrations.
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